In Missouri House District 48, covering Chariton, Cooper, Howard, and Randolph counties, Representative Tim Taylor (R) has served since 2021, pitching himself as a voice for rural Missouri. But his voting record paints a different picture—one where Big Agriculture (Big Ag) and corporate lobbyists cash in while the people of Chariton County grapple with crumbling rural infrastructure, a struggling healthcare system, and dying small towns. Taylor’s recent vote in favor of HB 544, the Bayer-Monsanto Roundup bill, is just the latest evidence that his priorities lie with powerful interests, not his constituents.
Taylor’s legislative scorecard isn’t what you’d expect from a typical Missouri Republican. The American Conservative Union (ACU), tied to CPAC, gave him a 38% rating for 2021-2022, based on 20 votes tied to economic liberty and limited government—a low mark for a GOP lawmaker in a red state. The Limited Government scorecard rated him at 53% in 2023 for sticking to constitutional principles. These moderate scores—some might call them “somewhat liberal” for a Republican—suggest Taylor isn’t a hardline conservative. But moderation isn’t the issue here. It’s who benefits from his votes. Spoiler: it’s not District 48.
Start with rural Missouri infrastructure. Chariton County’s roads are a disaster—potholes deep enough to ruin a suspension, bridges that haven’t seen serious repair in decades. These aren’t new woes; they’ve plagued our district for years, hampering farmers and families alike. Yet, Tim Taylor’s campaign raked in $2,541.95 from the Missouri Realtors PAC and $1,000 from the Union Pacific Corp FFEG MO Federal Committee—groups tied to real estate and rail interests that thrive on big development, not the patchwork fixes our rural roads demand. His 53% Limited Government score shows he’s not against spending, but where’s the push for rural Missouri infrastructure? Instead, his votes seem to pave the way for corporate agendas, leaving our roads as rutted as ever.
Healthcare’s another gaping wound. Our region’s lone hospital is a lifeline, chronically understaffed because young doctors and nurses see no future in rural Missouri’s economic decline. Taylor, a retired firefighter who should know the stakes of emergency care, has donors like Centene Corp PAC ($500) and the Missouri Hospital Association ($500) in his pocket. These healthcare giants profit from Medicaid and hospital systems, and Taylor’s moderate stance—possibly backing Medicaid expansion—might pad their bottom lines. But where’s the action to address rural healthcare staffing shortages? His 38% ACU score suggests he’s not slashing budgets, yet our hospital remains a skeleton crew. Corporate healthcare wins; Chariton County’s patients lose.
Then there’s the slow bleed of our small towns. Beyond corporate farms and public schools, Chariton County’s economy is on life support—Main Streets shuttered, local businesses extinct. Taylor’s top donor, the Cooper County Republican Committee ($4,000), and Big Ag players like the Missouri Pork PAC ($1,250), Missouri Cattlemen’s Association PAC ($1,000), and Missouri Soybean Association State PAC ($250) flood his campaign with cash. These groups push subsidies, trade deals, and deregulation—policies that boost industrial farm profits while family farms vanish and towns like Keytesville, Mendon, Brunswick and Salisbury fade. Taylor’s voting record doesn’t scream revitalization for rural Missouri small towns. His moderate scores hint he’s fine with some government role, but it’s not reaching our dying communities.
The starkest example yet is Taylor’s vote for HB 544, the Bayer-Monsanto Roundup-Glyphosate bill. Representative Lisa Durnell (R) (District 154) sums it up:
Even though this was known as the Bayer-Monsanto/Roundup-Glyphosate bill, it will change the labeling requirement for all chemicals from all manufacturers from now on (if it ultimately becomes law) and will give them immunity from liability under a ‘Failure to warn’ claim. There will still be two causes of action that a person could sue under—design defect or manufacturer’s defect—but few cases are ever brought for those causes of action. Failure to warn is the predominant action used when suing these companies.
This bill shields Big Ag titan Bayer-Monsanto—and every chemical maker—from lawsuits over inadequate warnings, a lifeline for corporations, not rural Missourians who face health risks from glyphosate exposure.
Representative Mazzie Christensen(R) (District 2), who voted no on HB 544, adds critical context:
This bill was introduced after Bayer sought an exemption from lawsuits related to Glyphosate… Bayer, the company behind Roundup (Glyphosate), is based in Germany, but their headquarters are in Missouri… This bill would strip Missouri of its authority to regulate pesticide labeling, instead leaving it to the Federal EPA… I strongly believe we shouldn’t be granting major corporations special exemptions from the law. This reminds me of the federal PREP Act related to COVID-19 vaccines, which granted immunity to manufacturers… Other countries have already limited or even banned Glyphosate… For all the reasons mentioned, I voted no on this bill.
Taylor’s yes vote aligns with Big Ag lobbyists, not the health and autonomy of District 48’s residents.
Taylor’s donor list is a corporate who’s-who: $2,541.95 from Missouri Realtors PAC, $1,250 from Missouri Pork PAC, $500 from Centene Corp PAC, and more—all dwarfing the voices of Chariton County’s farmers, workers, and families. His moderate voting record—38% from ACU, 53% from Limited Government—shows he’s not a rubber stamp for every GOP bill. But that flexibility bends toward Big Ag and corporate lobbyists, not us. His firefighter background and rural roots should make him a fierce advocate for District 48’s infrastructure, healthcare, and small towns. Instead, votes like HB 544 prop up Bayer-Monsanto’s immunity while our roads stay broken, our hospital gasps for staff, and our communities shrink.
The numbers don’t lie. The Missouri Realtors PAC’s $2,541.95 likely buys housing and development policies—great for urban sprawl, useless for rural Missouri’s urgent needs. Big Ag donors like the Cattlemen’s Association ($1,000) and Pork PAC ($1,250) secure trade-friendly votes that boost industrial farms, not the family operations disappearing across Chariton County. Healthcare PACs like Centene Corp thrive while our hospital falters. Taylor’s not voting against government—he’s just funneling its benefits to someone else’s district, someone else’s interests.
District 48 isn’t a sandbox for corporate lobbyists; it’s our home. Rural Missouri deserves a representative who fights for its infrastructure—roads we can drive without wincing. It deserves healthcare that doesn’t leave us praying for staff that never comes. It deserves small towns that can breathe again, not just corporate farms that swallow them whole. HB 544 proves Taylor’s loyalty lies with Bayer-Monsanto and Big Ag, not the people of Missouri House District 48 who trusted him to represent them.
Tim Taylor’s voting record isn’t about ideology—it’s about priorities. And his priorities are clear: Big Ag and corporate lobbyists come first. Chariton County’s rural infrastructure, healthcare, and small-town survival can’t wait for crumbs from their table. We need a representative who puts us ahead of campaign cash, who votes for our health over corporate immunity. Taylor’s 38% ACU score might dodge the hardline label, but it doesn’t dodge the truth: he’s failing rural Missouri. It’s time we demand better.
